The functioning of the Intergovernmental Conference has been carefully defined. (The term “conference” was used in place of the Council or Commission, partly because the number and identity of the ministers present should vary according to the topics discussed and, on the other hand, because “conference” seems less structured and sustainable and could therefore be less intimidating for trade unionists.) The Intergovernmental Conference will meet either at the ministerial or official level, its meetings will be “regular and frequent” and its activities “will be taken into consideration at the highest level.” The Irish minister, appointed permanent representative of Irish ministers, and the British Secretary of State for Northern Ireland should be co-chairs. The agreement provides for the creation of a joint secretariat to monitor IGC decisions and plan future sessions. The creation of this secretariat, with offices near the Northern Ireland government complex in Stormont, means that, for the first time since 1922, officials from the south of Ireland are working in the north. British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and Irish Prime Minister Garret FitzGerald were signed on 17 November 1985 at Hillsborough Castle.  The excessive language of politicians, the threats of violence of Protestant gunmen, who have a plethora of weapons, and the dark mood of the entire unionist community, from university intellectuals to unemployed workers, do not bode well for the reconciliation of the two northern communities, this is the ideal that the agreement wants to achieve. When the two governments worked on the agreement, there was no reason to doubt the words of Barry White, an editor of the Belfast Telegraph and a respected observer of the Nordic scene, who had written a few months earlier: “Protestant trade unionists in Northern Ireland and Roman Catholic nationalists were never further away.” The greatest pressure on the agreement came from the United States, where the North American lobby was in influence after the Israeli lobby.  Under the leadership of House of Representatives spokesman Tip O`Neill and Senators Edward Kennedy and Daniel Moynihan, the Irish lobby regularly denounced what they saw as British colonialism and human rights violations in Northern Ireland. Reagan, who was also Irish and visited Ireland in June 1984, was increasingly encouraging Thatcher to make progress in the Anglo-Irish talks.  45 senators and members of Congress (including O`Neill, Kennedy and Moynihan) wrote to Reagan criticizing Thatcher`s rejection of the forum. They also urged Thatcher to reconsider his position at the next meeting at Camp David in December 1984. Reagan duly discussed Northern Ireland with Thatcher during his meeting and told her that “progress is important” and that “there is great interest in this matter from Congress,” adding that O`Neill wanted it to be “reasonable and future.”  Subsequently, Reagan O`Neill assured that he had stressed the need for progress.
   The Anglo-Irish Agreement (1985) Ian Paisley: “Never! Never! Never” (1985) The other articles express support for the creation of an Anglo-Irish parliamentary committee, composed of the lower and lower houses of the Irish parliament, and provide for a revision of the agreement after three years. At his separate press conference, Prime Minister FitzGerald clung to the language and the timidly hopeful tone of the communiqué. He described the discussions as “broad and constructive.” He refused to be drawn into a public disagreement with the British Prime Minister. But their statements have caused a storm of criticism in Ireland. Hume, for example, characterized his language as a provocation of “deep and legitimate anger and insults.” Back in Dublin, during a closed-door meeting of his party`s MPs, FitzGerald described their remarks as “insulting for free,” a phrase that quickly entered the newspapers.